Note: The following speech was presented by John Otto Ondawame of the Australia West Papua Association during the Visions and Actions for Peace Conference, organised by Medical Association for Prevention of War (MAPW) and International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW), held at Australian National University, Canberra, April 24 to 27, 1997. (Minor editing for English by Steve Feld.)

Problems of poverty and underdevelopment in many parts of the so-called 'Fourth World' are very much associated with colonisation and resource exploitation. The lack of respect for and recognition of fundamental human rights, and militarisation, are major factors contributing to severe socio-economic and political difficulties for many indigenous peoples in the world. Such difficulties are even further aggravated when state institutions - government and military in conjunction with transnational companies - exploit the natural resources of colonised territories on a large scale, leaving behind denuded lands and environmental degradation. Given these factors, the futures of indigenous peoples are uncertain. There are concerns that the history of Aborigines in Australia and Indians in America will be repeated in their respective countries, leaving them marginalised peoples.

The "independence" of most former western colonial territories in the 1950s to 1960s does not mean the departure of colonialism and imperialism, bringing freedom and social justice for all their citizens. There may have been a change in the colour of colonialism but not in the principles. The common characteristics of early conventional colonial systems such as territorial occupation, exploitation of natural resources, genocide of indigenous peoples and militarisation still prevail, and, in some instance, are even worsening.

Understandings of the concept of colonialism vary, depending on what political interests are involved. Most commonly used terms today are 'internal' colonialism, 'neo-colonialism' and 'conventional' colonialism. Political objectives of struggling against the systems are also different. For the colonised peoples of West Papua and East Timor, the meaning of colonialism is even more complex. J. Woddis defines colonialism as: "a direct and overall subordination of one country to another on the basis of state power being in the hands of the dominating foreign power". Foreign political and cultural domination are thus key elements of colonisation, and can be found in every civil society. Colonialism and imperialism are, therefore, not only European diseases, but are a global human problem, relating to a capitalist mentality, regardless of race, social status and religion. The only difference is that regimes in the Third World use more democratic terms than their former colonial masters, but the implications for people colonised by them are the same.

Let me examine how colonialism and imperialism have affected the people of West Papua under the Suharto regime. Unlike the old colonial system, the Suharto regime uses terms such as "development", "rehabilitation", and even "dynamic stability," and said that twenty-five years of accelerated modernisation is needed to improve general welfare. These notions of development and general social welfare of the Indonesian citizens need further investigation for obvious reasons. The fact is that the Indonesian economy has faced a severe crisis since independence in 1945. This foreign debt crisis forced Indonesia into place as the third ranking foreign debt country after Brazil and Mexico, to become one of the poorest countries in the world. Moreover, because of domestic population pressure, strategic interests and the need for natural resources, Indoesian military intervention, at first in West Papua in 1962 and then in East Timor in 1975, has been seen as the most important aspect of its foreign policy in the last thirty five years.

West Papua, which has an area six times the size of the island of Java, has 1.5 million Papuans, Melanesian ethnics, and similar ethnic groups as the peoples of Papua New Guinea (PNG), Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, Kanaky, Fiji and Torres Strait Islanders.

Historically, West Papua was administered separately under the name "Netherlands New Guinea", with the decolonisation process starting at the beginning of the 1960s. Despite ethnic and cultural differences and strong protests, Indonesia claimed West Papua as a part of the Dutch East Indies on the basis of the sanctity of colonial boundaries, and declared a war against the Dutch over the future of West Papua. A brief war erupted in 1962 that forced international regimes' involvement in the conflict. Under strong pressure from the Kennedy government of the US, and the then representative of the United Nations, Dr Ortiz-Sanz, the Dutch were forced to transfer power to Indonesia at the New York Agreement in 1962. Under this shameful referendum, which is known as "the Act of Free Choice in 1969", involving a group of hand- picked Papuan chiefs, West Papua become the twenty sixth province of Indonesia.

West Papua is also known as a "Treasure Island" because of its rich natural resources, such as minerals, forestry, fishery and agricultural products, giving an impression that poverty and underdevelopment should not be a major concern. Why then is the country still one of the poorest provinces since its forcible incorporation into Indonesia? I believe this situation is due to a deliberate policy of colonisation and exploitation. I now want to discuss major impacts of this colonisation and resources development. By using Freeport-McMoRan as a case study, the relationship between colonisation, poverty, underdevelopment and social and political unrest will be closely analysed.

Legal Contradiction: State versus Traditional laws concerning Land Ownership

Direct investment in natural resources has been an important part of the new economic policy of the Indonesian government, aiming to finance its foreign debt. When the Suharto regime came to power in 1965 through a bloody coup d'etat, this became an economic priority of the New Order regime, boosting a market economy. New foreign investment Law: UU No: 1, 10 January 1967 facilitated foreign capitalists' investing in Indonesia. Today, more than 1,000 multinational companies are operating in the country, of which 100 of them are in West Papua. Freeport-McMoRan, the New Orleans based transnational company, is one of them; the first foreign company allowed to invest in West Papua four months after regulating the foreign investment law. A Contract of Work (COW) was signed on 7 April 1967 in Jakarta, which allowed Freeport to exploit minerals: gold, copper and silver, covering 100,000 hectares on the traditional land of the Amungme in the southern part of West Papua. Despite strong protests, the landowners were excluded from any form of negotiation. Jakarta argued that this was because land and its abandoned resources are state owned, as stipulated in Article: 33/3 of the Indonesian Constitution 1945 and reinforced by the Basic Agrarian Law of 1960, regulations which give rights to the state to claim land ownership: "Land, the waters and the natural riches contained therein shall be controlled by the State and exploited to the greatest welfare of the people" and the laws recognise only the cultivated land.

Because of the use of criteria relating to "cultivated land" as a general standard, definition of land ownership has been a major problem. These criteria were applied in the settlement of Australia. The view was that the land was empty, "no man's land", which left the Aborigines with no claim over any land. This perception merely encompassed British cultural and constitutional values regarding land rights and ownership. Aboriginal notions of the land were rejected and the people effectively dispossessed.

Similarly, the Indonesian legal system, built on Javanese cultural values, failed to acknowledge different notions of land ownership in West Papua. In contrast, the traditional law of the Amungme and Komoro people defines land ownership not only in terms of pure economic value as cultivated land, but also in spiritual terms as well. Mulkia valley, is now a mining town of Tembagapura, and its surrounding areas have both economic and spiritual values. But what is the impact of the mining operations on the people and the environment? Let me briefly analyse this.

Socio-Ecological Implications of the Mining

The presence of resource development in the area has had both positive and negative benefits. Both the local people and the state have benefitted from the development, but disproportionately. There has been a breaking of the isolation, improvement of infrastructure and promotion of the region's political status. Freeport has also provided job opportunities for 17,000 workers, increasing its production capacity with an average daily revenue being generated of more than US$5 million. Freeport is the single highest tax payer in Indonesia in the form of income taxes, royalties and dividends. Freeport is seen as a vital asset for the central government of Indonesia.

On the other hand, the development has brought massive destruction of indigenous social structures and the environment. There has been an increase in Indonesisation, militarisation and an escalation of human rights abuses. First, let me consider the destruction of social structures, with the accompanying social consequences. 11,000 immigrants or 2,300 families from the overpopulated islands of Java and Bali have been resettled in Timika as a part of the 'general transmigration' program which is government's sponsored program. To mine minerals, build roads, an air field, bridges and military posts, the lands of the Amungme and Komoro have been confiscated and the landowners dispossessed and sent to new concentration camps. The plan was to forcibly move 2, 000 Amungme from Tsinga and Hoea valleys last year to Kwamky Lama, and recently dozens of villagers in the Koperapoka were told to move to Timika to make way for Freeport to take care of its massive mine wastes disposal problem. Consequently, this new social engineering has destroyed social structures and belief systems; the land has been lost and life styles changed.

The development has also created great social and economic pressure. The presence of Freeport, the rapid economic growth and the promotion of the political status of the region has attracted job hunters, opportunists and immigrants, making for rapid demographic growth. The area (Timika and Tembagapura) is one of the highest populated in the whole province: "Today, not even 25 years later, these urban cities have already reached a total population of 50,000-60,000 people, making the area one of the most populous parts of the province". Many fear that this number will double in the year of 2000, affecting the lives of the local people further, that is a total number of 22,000 people. Even further growth, the Amungme and Komoro have already become marginalised societies.

The Health Situation

In the highlands, the people are affected by poor diet-nutrition, yaws or treponema infection and also respiratory ailments, skin infections and eye infections. The forcible removal of mountainous people to the costal area has caused them to suffer severely from coastal diseases such as malaria, cholera, decentres and tetanus. Malaria is a dangerous transmitted disease found in the area. Malaria positive rates in Kwamky Lama in 1992, for example, were reported as a high as 68%.

Combined efforts to control malaria have been undertaken by Freeport, the Department of Health, the University of Indonesia, medical Research units of USA Navy and regional and community services. These have included preventive as well as direct intervention to combat malaria by way of medication, consultation, spraying, drainage of water and distribution of mosquito nets. The result is that malaria diseases have dropped rapidly from 68% to 2-8 %; rate of parasite declined by 85 % during 1986-1994. Due to a lack of good nutrition and medical care, the level of mortality among children under five years is reported as high. Dr Okoseray - a Papuan doctor who is head of the Community Health Centre in Timika said in 1995: "Mimika-Akimugah Districts still lack medical personal, particularly doctors and nurses".

The spread of deadly diseases such as HIV/AIDS in Timika among 50-60 sex workers coming from Java and Menado in the north Sulawesi has alarmed the local people. This sex industry is one of the faster growing in the area, bringing negative social consequences for the people. Like in Nabire, Timika is one area for the potential increase of this deadly disease. In 1995, it was reported that 6 of those suspected of having the HIV-virus were already confirmed as having AIDS. In a society where the use of preventives is seen as "taboo", a faster spread of the virus is likely, and it is an alarming issue.

Freeport has built health centres in Banti, Arwanop, Kwamki Lama and Mapurajaya, and provided substantial assistance and consultation, but the health problems are not yet over. The centres provide only primary medical services. Taking treatment at the General Hospital in Tembagapura is generally unwelcome, but a lucky patient may pay a high medical fee to get treatment there. In Banti, for example, 130 patients visit every day, but there are only three nurses plus volunteers from the Tembagapura Hospital. Similarly, in Kwamky lama, Aroanop and Pomako, Freeport built medical centres and then turned them over to the local government. Because of nationalisation of medical care and the lack of qualified medical personnel, the health problem will remain an issue in the year of 2000.

Discrimination in job opportunities, education and social services are another form of social disparity. Small and medium size business activities are in the hands of newcomers, notably those of the Buginese, Makasarrnese and Javanese. This was a concern of the former Governor of Irian Jaya (West Papua), Mr Pattipi who said: "Both Javanese settlers and 'spontaneous' migrants coming from Sulawesi have taken many jobs and secured a stranglehold on the urban economy." Job opportunities have been taken away by the newcomers. Even as taxi drivers, Freeport Indonesia brought in Javanese or Buginese. There are many Irianese who have skills to drive cars and trucks, but they have been ignored. Today, there are 17,308 workers, of which 100 are the local unskilled workers. These are all local people with a very low salary. The daily salary of an unskilled worker in Tembagapura, for example, is Rp 1,600 or AU$0.70.- per hour, while the expatriates earn 10 times that amount.

Unequal access to schooling is another problem. Even though Freeport has been in the area for three decades, equal access to education and training for the local people has been totally ignored, violating the objectives of the January Agreement of 1974, between the local people, the government and Freeport-McMoRan, concerning education and training. Consequently, a considerable number of students drop out of schools, which has led to an increase in social crimes and alcohol problems among the local youths. This social crisis has been exploited by local economic operators by importing cheap alcohol, pornography, prostitution and other forms of criminal activities. In Timika, for example, vessels from Java and Macassar bring in cheap whisky, or market sagoer, a fermented palm juice, and pornography and sell them at a high price. Three days ago, Jayapura police searched a house and arrested some non-Papuans for smuggling alcohol and for illegal production activities.

Discrimination in public places, in shopping, health and education centres are just a few examples of this unjust system. In Tembagapura, for example, the Amungme people are not allowed to do shopping or receive medical care. Freeport has built wire fences around the city, segregating the local Papuans.

Environmental Destruction

Environmental destruction is another negative impact of the mining. Like with the mines at Ok Tedi and Bougainville, the socio-ecological consequences of mining are considerable for fauna, flora and the local people. Unique types of fauna in the area have been driven away by the sound of tractors, buses, helicopters, machines of heavy industries and irresponsible land clearance. These included valuable species of birds, marsupials (abunungki) and kangaroo. Also, because of land clearance, important sources of tropical medicines are now difficult to find in these areas.

The destruction of rainforest has further brought heavy rain taking away vegetation, the quality of the soil becoming podsolic and litasol with a low to medium degree of fertility for producing basic food crops. Erosion has caused big river floods and destroyed properties of the Komoro people on the low land. Organisms in rivers and the sea, and forests along the rivers are contaminated. Many varieties of fish, platoons, sago palms and mangrove trees have died out because of the high volume of toxic acytol cyanid; currently 120,000 metric tons of chemical toxics are discharged into the Ajikwa river system every day which has destroyed the immune systems of organisms.

The problem of drinking water is another serious issue: "The main concern of the Amungme and Komoro is their water supply". The people who live along the rivers can not drink the water because Ajikwa, Minajerwi and Kopi rivers, originating from Ertsberg and Grassberg mining areas, are heavily polluted by toxic wastes. The underground mining has also affected the colour of water. Despite these criticisms, Freeport and the government of Indonesia have denied the facts and blamed environmental and human rights organisations for having connections with Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM) which is called Free Papua Movement (FPM). But recently, a Jayapura based official broke this silence and confirmed the pollution saying:

"Residents along the Ajikwa River which flows from he outskirts of Tembagapura city to Timika the capital of East Mimika regency, have been warned against drinking the polluted water".

Skin diseases and problems during pregnancy are immediate consequences. According to a Catholic Mission report, birth rate in 1936 was 19 % per annum, but only 9 % per annum in 1989. To meet the need of water, Freeport and the local government have taken some steps. A few water tanks have been built in Banti, Koperapoka, Kwamky Lama and Arwanop, but the water supply is still a major problem.

The traditional land has been used as a dumping ground, with Komoro landowners being forcibly removed from their traditional land. Recently, the Regent of Mimika told dozens of villages in the Koperapoka to move to Timika from their traditional land to make way for Freeport to take care of its massive mine wastes disposal problem. Like the other Komoro, Bertha Urmame, a mother from Nuaripe village protested the plan and said: "If the military come they will have to kill me here. It is my land. We are only different by the skin and hair but Freeport can not treat us like animals".

In summary, the socio-ecological affects amount to severe damage for the unique flora and fauna, plus heavy flooding, problems with drinking water, health problems, dispossession of the local people and appropriation of their land to become a dumping ground for toxic wastes.

Militarisation

Another impact of the resources development in the area is militarisation and widespread human rights abuses. Like in the provincial town, Jayapura in the north, tiny urban cities, Timika and Tembagapura in the district of Mimika Timor, are highly militarised zones in the southern hemisphere, primarily because the region is a trouble spot for the government and Freeport. The region has been seen as a 'red-zone' where conflict between the Papuans and the Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI) has frequently occurred in the last twenty -two years. Jakarta argues that Freeport needs protection; and sees it as its duty to "protect the state's vital asset". ABRI has built a new air force base in Timika, a naval base in Ammapare, and there are an increasing number of ABRI in the areas, including 1,000 troops of Red Berets of Komando Operasi Khusus (KOPASUS) directly under Major-General Johny Lumintang. There is much speculation over this military building, with many observers concluding that the major objective is to wipe out the OPM and its sympathisers.

The military buildup has intensified as long range protests have continued to occur over the last twenty-two years. The following events are significant factors in why militarisation has increased rapidly. Peaceful demonstrations were organised by OPM in 1994/95 and a few mass protests in 1996; and also hostage crises occurred in Mapenduma and Timika in the same year provoking further militarisation. But the most important factor is the presence of Freeport and its resources development ensuring the region is seen as a vital asset to the national government and one that has to be protected.

Freeport has actively supported the militarisation process. During the crises such as previous human rights violations in 1994/95, hostage dramas in 1996 and recent civil war in Banti and Timika this year, for example, Freeport provided assistance. They allowed ABRI to use their infrastructure networks, including roads, trucks, containers, helicopter and air fields and even provided salaries. There are 74 Miles or camps where mining operations are organised. In each camp and in the urban cities, military barracks and posts of security forces have been established and used as places for torture, detention and intimidation. This military deployment has further negative implications. The influx of troops in the area culminated in a massacre at Timika airport on 15 April 1996 when an Indonesian soldier shot 28 people, killing 19, many of them other soldiers. Human rights abuses are also widespread in the area as discussed below.

Human Rights Abuses

"West Papua is a place where freedom of expression and assembly have been violated, and the rights of self determination and independence of the Papuans completely denied. The indigenous Papuans are in effect a colonised people who have no control over the course of even determining the country's development".

This comment is an important clue for understanding the political situation in West Papua today. As in other parts of West Papua, the Timika and Tembagapura areas have become major targets of human rights abuses. This contributes to a poor relationship between ABRI and the local people. With the accusation that the Amungme are members of the OPM, repression of civilians has been intensified in the last four years. ABRI argues that "the OPM itself depends on the people, and as bullets have no eyes the death of ordinary people is unavoidable".

Mass arrests, torture, killing, disappearance, detention and summary executions frequently occur. More than one hundred innocent Amungme, including 37 people among whom were two children and a priest, were killed during 1994 and 1995, as reported by the Australian Council for Overseas Aid (ACFOA) and Bishop Munninghoff of Jayapura. Right now, another mass killing is going on in the Mapenduma area, as confirmed by a trusted resources person. Prominent events are those human rights abuses that are successfully reported and widely circulated, but there are many silent and systematic human rights abuses that never reach the world's mass media.

In deploying this social approach, ABRI uses the old classical policy of divide and rule, the approach practised by the former colonial masters, the Dutch. The objective is to divide people on the basis of ethnicity, religion and region, aimed at destroying local mass protests and national unity. When two civil wars erupted last month in Banti and Timika between the Amungme and internal immigrants- the Dani and Nduga peoples, the ABRI did not intervene, but said that they had not come there to protect the local people. Independent observation confirmed ABRI and Freeport stood behind the screen, encouraging the internal immigrants to aggravate the atmosphere of ethnic tension.

Freeport and ABRI have also succeeded in dividing the Amungme society on the issue of a one per cent trust fund, which is Freeport's generous offer to the local people, as a response to mass protests in 1996. When the Traditional Amungme Council (LEMASA) in Kwamky Lama, Timika rejected the offer, Freeport immediately formed a new equivalent council which is called AMUNGKAL, aimed at destroying the organisation and its struggle, accusing the LEMASA of having some connection with the OPM. The freedom of movement and critics of the council is restricted, leaving members, including Mr Thom Beanal, the Chairman, under constant threat and in fear.

The Local Responses

Against the view of the Indonesian government, the Papuans and particularly the affected people concluded that the exploitation of West Papua's natural resources under the names of "development" and "stability" are nothing other than colonial manifestations. National and regional human rights and environmental organisation criticise the policy and mismanagement of environment and human rights abuses manifesting over a long period, as pointed out below.

In 1974, the conflict parties-the LEMASA, the government of Indonesia and Freeport-McMoRan reached an agreement called "the January Agreement 1974" agreeing on some fundamental points, including respect for the existence of Amungme and recognition of their land rights But all these years, Freeport has ignored implementing those points stipulated in the agreement. Four years later, the Amungme in cooperation with OPM attacked the installations of Freeport, including pipelines that transferred ore from mining areas to the ships. This was their way to express their discontent over injustices, and the lack of respect for their fundamental human rights, including the right to self-determination. Mass demonstrations and protests as I mentioned in the earlier part of this paper have been important actions having both positive and negative impacts on the local peoples. Encouraging national awareness and unity, and promoting an international campaign have proved positive. LEMASA submitted a 32-points proposal recently, repeating and widening the January Agreement. However, the proposal has never been taken seriously. LEMASA also pursued a lawsuit against Freeport in Federal and District Courts, New Orleans, Texas of the United States of America last year for ethno and eco-genocide, but the court ruled out the case, leaving way for further human rights abuses. At the end of this month, a new court case will open again in the District Court in New Orleans.

Another challenge has come from a major shareholder, the Seattle Mennonite Church. On April 29, 1997, three days from now, a shareholder meeting will be held in New Orleans. The church is preparing a resolution which will be presented to the meeting, urging Freeport to cease its expansion, to demilitarise its operation, to release relevant environmental data, and to allow independent environmental monitoring of the mine.

Summary

Colonisation, exploitation and militarisation are the root causes of poverty and underdevelopment. The old colonial legacy remains and plays a decisive role in the post-independence period. The current Indonesian domination and militarisation in West Papua and East Timor is an integral part of colonisation; therefore, attention should be given to the political context rather than social one, and a solution found in political frameworks.

The presence of Freeport and its mining activities in the area has provoked many people, shaping further the colonisation process, destroying the environment, encouraging human rights abuses, and creating political and economic disequilibrium. The social and political unrest in the area are merely a response to this ongoing, ill-defined socio-ecological and political management, urging respect for, and recognition of fundamental human rights, including the right to self-determination and independence of the people.

Their silent voices can be heard if we, in Australia as a close neighbour can hand over our hearts and hands in the form of solidarity support, giving these forgotten people a hope for the future. This way the Papuans might be able to envision a future free from any form of foreign domination and exploitation, which are preconditions for a democratic, just and peaceful society in West Papua.

What MAPW can do!

As a medical body, MAPW could become involved more actively in West Papua at regional and international fora and support human rights and self-determination of the people of West Papua. Additionally, the organisation could involve itself in health and human rights' projects in cooperation with national and indigenous organisations in West Papua such as LEMASA and the Rural Development Foundation (YPMD) and local churches. This is crucial to improve the quality of life for many Papuans.

Furthermore, in cooperation with Australia West Papuan support groups and the West Papua Relief Association, (WPRA), the MAPW could assist with materials, medicines and education as well as training, and act in an advisory capacity. West Papuans could be given medical training in Australia or financial assistance to study both in medicine and other sciences in Australia or elsewhere. Establishing medical centres and the provision of medicines for refugee camps in the border area would be of enormous benefit.

There are many ways to implement such projects. The West Papuan Relief Association in cooperation with Papuan doctors in PNG and in West Papua could establish links with MAPW and LEMASA; local doctors and churches in Timika could pursue the project and or supply medicines. In cooperation with national, international NGOs and bodies, MPAW could work to stop Australian military aid to and cooperation with the brutal Suharto regime in Jakarta and urge demilitarisation in the affected areas- Timika and Tembagapura.

Finally, I request the floor of this conference to support the following resolution and petition.

I: RESOLUTIONS ON WEST PAPUA
1. That MAPW support the initiative of the Seattle Mennonite Church at the shareholders meeting of Freeport on 29 April 1997 (see attached).
2. That MAPW urge the UN recognise that the so called "Act of Free Choice" in 1969 was not a true reflection of the will of the West Papuan Peoples and therefore MAPW calls for Aa new, just and democratic process to end colonisation in West Papua.
3. That MAPW call on the Australian government to stop the supply of arms and military expertise to Indonesia.
4. That MAPW call on RTZ-CRA to cease funding the expansion of the Freeport Mine (of which it has a 12 % share).

 

II: PETITION


27 April 1997.

To:


James Moffett, CEO,
Freeport-McMoRan,
1615 Poydras Street,
New Orleans,
LA 70112,
Fax: 504 582 4028,
Email his assistant: lynne-cooney@fmi.com


 

Dear Mr Moffett,

Petition supporting the resolution of Seattle Mennonite Church

We are deeply concerned over the ongoing human rights abuses in West Papua, particularly in the Timika and Tembagapura areas. Mass arrests, torture, disappearance and summary execution of innocent civilians are acts against humanity.

Militarisation in the area provokes destabilisation and encourages further political conflict, creating constant fear for the indigenous peoples. A military approach is not the way to solve any conflict.

The mining activities have brought severe environmental destruction, leaving the land denuded. Unique types of flora and fauna have been destroyed and toxic wastes affect the livelihood of the local people on a large scale.

The lawsuit against Freeport by the Amungme Traditional Council (LEMASA) for ethno-genocide and ecological destruction is a legally permitted act and an important step towards starting a reconciliation process of the differences.

Therefore, We, the participants of the conference of the Medical Association for Prevention of War (Australia) and International Physicians for the {Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW) held in Canberra from 24 to 27 April 1997 support the resolution presented by the Seattle Mennonite Church on the occasion of the shareholder meeting on 29 April 1997 in New Orleans, USA, and call on Freeport to take steps to:

- Postpone the expansion of milling operations until a just, accepted, peaceful and permanent resolution of local indigenous concerns can be reached with all stakeholders.

- End company cooperation with the Indonesian military as soon as legally possible.

- Publically release in their entirety social and environmental audits conducted by consultancies in 1996.

- Allow independent environmental and human rights monitoring of the Freeport operations, and local river and ecosystems by non-governmental organisations.

- Reconcile with the Amungme Traditional Council-LEMASA as the official representative of the Amungme in their struggle for recognition and respect for the fundamental human rights including the rights of demanding compensation and self-respect.

Australia West Papua Association (Sydney)

c/- John Otto Ondawame, Ph-D student, Department of Political and Social Change, Research School of Pacific and Asia Studies, Australian National University, Canberra.

Tel. 61.6. 2490181/2810524. Fax.61.6.2495523.,
E-mail: ondawame@coombs.anu.edu.au

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